Ethnographic and ethnohistorical studies support the notion that Andean
peoples share an animistic ontology (cf. Descola 2013), that is, they believe
the world is inhabited by countless non-human agents and interpret numer-
ous phenomena that we (Moderns) attribute to natural mechanisms as efects
of their intentional actions. hese sentient beings can be a variety of things,
including plants, celestial bodies, rocks, artifacts, places, or relatively abstract
but omnipresent entities, such as Pachamama.

Depending on the region and period,
travel rituals reported in the literature may engage diferent kinds of non-
humans, including ancestors and accompanying spirits, Pachamama, moun-
tains, outcrops, springs, archaeological sites (chullpas), special objects (e.g.,
igurines, amulets), pack animals (if they are used), and the road itself (Lecoq
1987; Mariscotti de Görlitz 1978; Nielsen 1997; Pimentel 2009; West 1981,
among others).

In 1995, a caravan we traveled with from the southern altiplano to
the Tarija Valley carried two bulky bundles containing ritual paraphernalia to
perform the necessary rituals along the journey, including eight kichiras (dried
llama hearts stufed with clippings from diferent parts of the bodies of sacri-
iced animals), kowa (an aromatic shrub commonly burned in ritual contexts)
incense, lard and cornmeal to shape llama igurines (virauñas), miniature bags
illed with maize kernels and cornmeal, lamingo feathers, unkuñas (ceremo-
nial textiles for altars), red yarn to “dress the altars,” coca leaves, alcohol, and
wine, among other elements (Nielsen 2011).

The most common ritual presently conducted at abras in the Andes involves
adding rocks to the apachetas, cairns developed on the highest point of the
trail by the repetition of this gesture over time.

The apacheta ritual was described in early colonial sources

This demonstrates that these practices—or some of
them—are of pre-Hispanic origin, at least in the Central Andes.